Caste Census: Political Compulsions Made Them Count Castes

The divisive power of castes came out in the open during the caste census debate. But finally, its potential political dividends made them all go for it. It will be conducted along with the next Census. The first caste census was conducted during British rule. They were of the view that caste-based data would help them in administration.

By the 1931 Census, the last one to record castes, the process was refined, documenting over 4,000 castes and sub-castes across India, with a population of approximately 256 million. 

The caste section puts the number of Other Backward Classes (OBC) at 52% of the total population of the country. This data became crucial in subsequent years. The Mandal Commission used it for the recommendation on reservations in 1980 -- to grant 27% reservations to OBCs in education and government jobs -- which was implemented in the 1990s.

Discarding Caste Census 

Post-independence, India’s approach to caste enumeration shifted. The government never wanted to undertake a detailed caste census. The government under Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru excluded detailed caste data from the decennial census starting in 1951, citing concerns that it might perpetuate caste divisions. The census continued to collect data on SCs, STs, and religious groups but omitted comprehensive caste details. The main argument of those who opposed the caste census was that it would go against the principle of a unified country and a casteless society. 

This argument against caste census has been turned on its head as India, after 75 years of independence, continues to be a caste-ridden society, making the ‘casteless society’ a pipe dream. The words of J. H. Hutton, the Census Commissioner in 1931, are worth recalling. He said, “It is impossible to get rid of any institution by ignoring its existence like the proverbial ostrich.” 

The caste census is unique to India. Some countries, like the United States, count people, and some countries enumerate them based on race or ethnicity. Some of the developed countries like France and Germany go for demographic data related to citizenship, religion and language.

The Changing Scenario

Though no caste census was conducted after 1931, the UPA Government led by Manmohan Singh went for a Socio-Economic Caste Census (SECC) in 2011. This was prompted by a demand for the caste census by some of the political parties from the Hindi heartland like the Rashtriya Janata Dal and the Janata Dal (United) in Bihar and the Samajwadi Party in Uttar Pradesh. 

Discussion in Parliament on the issue brought the differences among the political parties to the fore. Hence, the government decided not to conduct caste enumeration along with the census held in February 2011. Instead, the SECC was undertaken in June of the same year. 

Though the provisional data was ready by September-October 2013, the UPA government left its release to the new government to be formed after the Lok Sabha polls in a few months. The new government under Narendra Modi released part of the data, but held back the caste data on the pretext that it was not finalized. According to the information provided to both Houses of the Parliament, the caste data had flaws during the collection and processing stages. It is reported that as many as 46 lakh castes were thrown up during the enumeration, with repetitions and inaccuracies, making the whole exercise futile. The lack of a repository of castes is the main hurdle in the enumeration of the caste census. 

According to Professor Ram B. Bhagat, former Head of Migration and Urban Studies at the International Institute for Population Sciences, this anomaly can be rectified by “listing the castes and communities that need to be enumerated. The Office of the Registrar General of India and the Census Commissioner must consult with academics, caste groups, political groupings and the public at large to arrive at this listing.” 

Chorus for Caste Census

In the last few years, demand for the caste census has reached its peak. Even the Congress that had turned its back on it has now found it an electoral issue with a pan-India vote bank. Rahul Gandhi made it an election issue in the last general election.

Feeling that its support base among the Backwards is slipping, the BJP too made a somersault. The party, whose minister had told the Lok Sabha that “the government of India has decided as a matter of policy not to enumerate a caste-wise population other than SCs and STs,” has formally decided to do it.

Caste Census: The Real Picture

The general impression about the caste census is that it is meant to get a picture of the so-called ‘lower castes’ and Other Backward Classes (OBCs). Any discussion on castes veers around the reservation for the Dalits and the Tribals, their deprivation, discrimination and the need for their upliftment. There is hardly any talk of the ‘upper castes’ and their share in the population; there is little discussion on their share in the national income or their presence in positions of power.     

India is considered one of the most unequal countries in the world. Statistics like the top 1 % of the population corner disproportionately large share of income, the bottom 50 % has a small share of national income, etc. are dished out to prove the depth of inequality. But what is lacking in the whole exercise is the percentage of the caste of the top 1 % who have amassed the biggest share of the national income, or the castes of the bottom 50 % who hold a minuscule percentage of the national income. The caste census would help us to have an inkling into the dichotomy of income distribution and enable the policy-makers to go back to the drawing room to work out better strategies to bring about more equal income distribution. 

Caste census would open up a road to measure where the Dalits and the marginalized communities stand on the income distribution scale. It would expose where the upper caste communities stand, as their income would be recorded during the census. One of the beneficiaries of the caste census would be the economically weaker sections among the upper castes who are in a state of ‘neither here nor there’. 

Branding the whole group as upper castes is their biggest enemy. It is necessary to sieve out the ‘creamy layer’ in the upper castes. The new data will enable policy-makers to work out a strategy to help the weaker sections among the upper castes.   

The caste census is the right way to determine the ‘caste privileges’ existing in India. Reports suggest that in government jobs and many institutions, SC/ST quotas go unfilled every year. On the other hand, slots meant for upper castes hardly remain without recruitment. The situation gets worse as we move up towards senior posts.

Caste-blindness won’t help

The inequality in society has a lot to do with its caste structure. Hence, a caste census would bring out the grey areas wherein the government has to intervene with better policies.  The very fact that even the RSS, which had taken an anti-caste census stand stating that caste census was not good for national unity, has now blinked. In September 2024, probably for the first time, during its council meeting in Palakkad in Kerala, the Sangh Parivar came out in support of the caste census. It seems they understood the futility of closing their eyes to the reality of the caste system in society. They also realized that opposition to the caste census would be electorally suicidal, and it could sweep their political wing away from the corridors of power.  

Lessons from Bihar, Karnataka

The oft-repeated hurdle regarding the caste census is its impracticability. With thousands of castes and sub-castes, the caste-based census is a near impossibility, the critics argue. But, the caste surveys held in Bihar, Telangana and Karnataka over the last few years could provide a road map for the Central Government. 

The caste survey in Bihar, released in 2023, gives an idea of the caste composition in the State. Some of its findings like Other Backward Classes (OBCs) and the Extremely Backward Classes (EBCs) together constitute more than 63% of the population of Bihar, and the “forward” castes or “General” category were found to make up 15.5% of the population could give a new direction to the policy-makers in the State.

In Telangana, the survey report that pegs the BC population at 56.33% could be a game changer in the State politics, where there is a clamour for higher representation for the Backward Classes.   

The latest in the series of such surveys came from Karnataka which threw up some surprises. The population of Vokkaligas and Lingayats, who enjoy OBC reservation, was found to be 12.2% and 13.6% respectively; this came as a surprise against the general population estimate of 17% and 15% respectively for the two castes. The survey results show that the representation of both castes in the Assembly is much higher than their actual population in the State.

Those who ardently argue for the caste census say that just as the surveys in these three states have thrown up surprise elements, an all-India caste census would show jaw-dropping results. The findings of the caste census are sure to trigger social, political and economic tremors.